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I was
wrong.
I wrote these words about my vote to
authorize the Iraq war in a Washington
Post op-ed piece and I want to share my
views with you as well.
Almost three years ago, we went into Iraq to
remove what we were told -- and many of us
believed and argued -- was a threat to
America. But in fact we now know that Iraq
did not have weapons of mass destruction
when our forces invaded Iraq in 2003. The
intelligence was deeply flawed and, in some
cases, manipulated to fit a political
agenda.
It was a mistake to vote for this war in
2002. I take responsibility for that
mistake. It has been hard to say these words
because those who didn't make a mistake --
the men and women of our armed forces and
their families -- have performed heroically
and paid a very dear price. It is not right,
just or fair that we made a mistake, but
they pay for that mistake.
The world desperately needs moral leadership
from America, and the foundation for moral
leadership is telling the truth.
While we can't change the past, we need to
accept responsibility because a key part of
restoring America's moral leadership is
acknowledging when we've made mistakes or
been proven wrong -- and to show that we
have the creativity and guts to make it
right.
The argument for going to war with Iraq was
based on intelligence that we now know was
inaccurate. The information the American
people were hearing from the President --
and that I was being told by our
intelligence community -- wasn't the whole
story. Had I known this at the time, I never
would have voted for this war.
George Bush won't accept responsibility for
his mistakes. Along with Dick Cheney and
Donald Rumsfeld, he has made horrible
mistakes at almost every step: twisting
intelligence to fit their pre-conceived
views about Iraq's threat; failed diplomacy;
not going in with enough troops; not giving
our forces the equipment they need; not
having a plan for peace.
Because of these failures, Iraq is a mess
and has become a far greater threat than it
actually ever was. It is now a haven for
terrorists, and our presence there is
draining the goodwill that our country once
enjoyed, diminishing our global standing. It
has made fighting the global war against
terrorist organizations more difficult, not
less.
The urgent question isn't how we got here,
but what we do now. We have to give our
troops a way to end their mission honorably.
That means leaving behind a success, not a
failure.
What is success? I don't think it is Iraq as
a Jeffersonian democracy. I think it is an
Iraq that is relatively stable, largely
self-sufficient, comparatively open and
free, and in control of its own destiny.
A plan for success needs to focus on three
interlocking objectives: reducing American
presence; building Iraq's capacity; and
getting other countries to meet their
responsibilities to help.
First, we need to remove the image of the
imperialist America from the landscape of
Iraq. American contractors who have taken
unfair advantage of the turmoil in Iraq need
to leave Iraq. If that means Halliburton
subsidiary, KBR, then KBR should go. Such
departures, and the return of the work to
Iraqi businesses, would be a real statement
about our hopes for the new nation.
We also need to show Iraq and the world that
we will not stay there forever. We've
reached the point where the large number of
our troops in Iraq hurts, not helps, our
goals. Therefore, early next year, after the
Iraqi elections and a new government has
been created, we should begin the
redeployment of a significant number of
troops out of Iraq. This should be the
beginning of a gradual process to reduce our
presence and change the shape of our
military's deployment in Iraq.
Most of these troops should come from
National Guard or Reserve forces. That will
still leave us with enough military
capability, combined with better trained
Iraqis, to fight terrorists and continue to
help the Iraqis develop a stable country.
Second, this redeployment should work in
concert with a more effective training
program for Iraqi forces. We should
implement a clear plan for training and hard
deadlines for certain benchmarks to be met.
To increase incentives, we should implement
a schedule outlining that as we certify that
Iraqi troops are trained and equipped, a
proportional number of U.S. troops will
withdraw.
Third, we must launch a serious diplomatic
process that brings the world into this
effort. We should bring Iraq's neighbors and
our key European allies into a diplomatic
process to get Iraq on its feet. It's not
just in America's security interest for Iraq
to succeed, but the world's -- and the
President needs to create a unified
international front.
Too many mistakes have already been made to
make this easy. Yet we must take these steps
to succeed. The American people, the Iraqi
people and -- most importantly -- our troops
who have died or been injured there and
those who are fighting there today deserve
nothing less.
America's leaders -- all of us -- need to
accept the responsibility we each carry for
how we got to this place. Over 2,000
Americans have lost their lives in this war;
and over 150,000 are fighting there today.
They and their families deserve honesty from
our country's leaders. And they also deserve
a clear plan for a way out.
John
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